I think I agree and disagree. I definitely agree that taxes should not be called slavery - they are different. But, I have serious doubts that the disequitable application of slavery is what differentiates it from taxes. The income tax is applied disequitably; we have a graduated income tax (and with good reason!) Slavery, I believe, should refer to the forced servitude of other individuals, without their consent, and strip them of traditional civil rights. I don't think disequitable application is neither here nor there. If we forced people to labor for others and stripped their away their basic rights, based on a lottery system, it would still be slavery. And, quite frankly, the draft is REALLY close to slavery. The end purposes are different (one supports the national good, while the other serves a private good) and drafts are used only in exigent circumstances. So, yes, the draft looks a lot like slavery. Do I call it slavery? No.Marduk wrote:Wired, I think you're missing the whole point; no tax that is applied equitably can be called slavery. One of the key components in slavery is precisely that it is applied disequitably; otherwise you can call just about any government action that deprives someone of time or property slavery. The draft, the legal system, etc.
My overall point is this: don't call taxes slavery because it ignores too many defining characteristics of slavery that make it so abhorrent. However, I think that, speaking purely in terms of logic and argument, saying that taxes are like slavery because they deprive an individual of a right without their consent, is true. So I see why people say, "Taxes are slavery!" even though I disagree with the use of the term.
EDIT: And to be clear, I still don't think it's responsible to say "Taxes are like slavery!" as part of the debate on taxes. It's akin to saying, "George Bush/Barack Obama is like Hitler because they supported legislation that slowly took away part of our freedoms!" It might be a useful logical exercise, but the degree is too far distant.
My argument there is structural. I am saying that an individual can oppose FEDERAL grants because they do not believe it is the FEDERAL government's role to encourage or discourage education. Instead, that role has traditionally been left to states. Thus, a person might actively campaign for a state to provide grants to students while opposing the federal government's involvement in education. So if one chooses not to benefit from any unconstitutional program, they can full well go to a public school without taking a PELL grant.The other argument that you didn't quite do justice to was saying that grants and public education funding are not equivalent. They both take money from certain individuals and give it to other groups. Under the given definition, they are both equally slavery. One cannot be for one and against the other.
Do you mean the Constitution as a whole or the Bill of Rights? Because if you mean the Bill of Rights, as a matter of history, I can't think of any plausible way to read that bolded section that would make it true. (But I could be misreading it...) The Bill of Rights was passed specifically as limitations on the federal government's power to interfere with state's practices and individual's rights. It was limited to that specific group and no one else.Lastly, any individual can recognize that the Bill of Rights is not only protection FROM the government, it is also protection BY the government from other groups. A strict constitutionalist may grant the former, but has no protection against the latter (including other groups such as state and local government.).
Now, the Fourteenth Amendment -- passed 70+ years after the Bill of Rights -- did begin to limit what state government's could do to individuals. The Supreme Court didn't really begin to interpret it that way until the 1920s at the very earliest. And, nothing in the Constitution is meant to protect private citizens from OTHER private citizens. (You might construe the Treason Clause that way, but even then that seems plainly a government-individual relationship again.) Often times Congress will enact laws, using their Constitutional powers, to protect people from other people, but the Constitution has no comment on the issue other than authorizing Congress to do that.